To label our current relationship with Cuba an “embargo” is laughable. To label it a “blockade” shows appalling ignorance, functional illiteracy — or more likely — Castro-regime advocacy, on its payroll or off. And given the absence of any person or entity registered with U.S. Department of Justice as agents of the Cuban government, we have to assume the latter.
Payments from Castro’s payroll, however, can appear in laundered form. Take the case of the oft-quoted (especially here at The Miami Herald) champion of unfettered U.S. travel to Cuba, Phil Peters of the Lexington Institute. A Nexus-Lexus search shows that Mr. Peters could be properly billed as the mainstream media’s “go-to” source on the Cuba “embargo” issue.
Well, here’s some background on the Lexington Institute’s funding:
In a joint venture with the Castro regime, Canadian mining company Sherritt International operates the Moa nickel mining plant in Cuba’s Oriente province. This facility was stolen by Castro gunmen from its U.S. managers and stockholders at Soviet gunpoint in 1960 (when it was worth $90 million.) Now here’s something from a legal memo uncovered by Babalu Blog as part of a court case discovery: “Canada’s Sherritt works quietly in Washington… recently it has given money to a former State Department employee, Phil Peters, to advance its interests. The money to Peters goes through contributions to the Lexington Institute, where Peters is a vice president. Because the Lexington Institute is a 501(c) (3) not-for-profit, there is no public record of Sherritt’s funding. This has allowed Peters to advise and direct the Cuba Working Group (a Congressional anti-embargo cabal) in ways beneficial to Sherritt while presenting himself to the Group as an objective think-tank scholar.”
In brief: One of the Castro regime’s top business partners funnels under-the-table payments to America’s top anti-embargo publicist, who is invariably billed as an “impartial scholarly expert” in every media mention.