This is the fourteenth installment in a 15-part series written by Cuban American Humberto (Bert) Corzo exclusively on Babalú (see the rest of the installments in this series HERE).
“The word is not to conceal the truth, but to say it” – José Martí.
Why this topic is called One Hundred Lies told by Fidel Castro? Because he affirms the opposite of what is in his mind, he disguises his thinking by making his pronouncements look like another thing. Because the fake promises he made breaking his word. Of him we can say that “He lies more than he speaks the truth.”
In order to understand Fidel Castro’s actions, it is necessary to understand him as he really is, not as people want him to be. He is a man with two faces, one is the face of a revolutionary who promise prosperity, democracy and the restoration of Cuba’s 1940 constitution. The other is the face of a consummate liar who says and promises anything in order to stay in power for life.
The following infamous lies were used by Fidel Castro to coax the Cuban people, to later betray the true principles of the revolution by turning the island into a satellite of the Soviet Union.
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98. “The use of nuclear arms in a new war implies the end of humanity….Any world government is obligated to respect the right to life of all nations and of the entirety of the world’s people…In a nuclear war the collateral damage would be the life of humanity….Let us have the courage to proclaim that all nuclear or conventional weapons, everything that is used to make war, must disappear!” Castro video message, October 15, 2010.
On October 30, 1962, Nikita Khrushchev, in a document sent to the Czechoslovak leader Novotny, wrote: “Castro clearly has no idea about what thermonuclear war is. After all, if a war started, it would primarily be Cuba that would vanish from the face of the Earth….Only a person who has no idea what a nuclear war means, or who has been so blinded, for instance, like Castro, by revolutionary passion, can talk like that.”
Sergei Khrushchev, son of Nikita, relates that when his father was told about Castro’s letter, he said: “That’s crazy. We have deployed missiles there to prevent an attack on the island, to save Cuba and defend socialism. But now not only is he willing to immolate himself, but he wants to drag us along with him.”
Castro urged Khrushchev to launch a preemptive nuclear strike against the United States, without any consideration whatsoever for “the end of humanity.” He put the world on the verge of a nuclear holocaust without respecting “the right to life of all nations.” Since 1945, he is the only head of state that has advocated for the use of nuclear weapons.
Castro, among the political leaders in the world, has the least moral authority to proclaim the end of the use of nuclear and conventional weapons. He has zero credibility as a spokesman for peace. How is it possible that someone can pay attention to what he say, when he distort the facts and the words of the people. History will certainly not absolve Fidel Castro, an international beggar with no human qualities redeemable. He was an old bitter man, a liar and vengeful, until his death came. May the Devil keep him in his holy hell.
99. “The USSR in the face of the interruption of the oil supply by the United States, the subsequent total suspension of the historical quota of sugar in the market of that country, and the prohibition of trade created over more than one hundred years, responded to each of these measures supplying fuel, acquiring our sugar, trading with our country and finally supplying the arms that Cuba could not acquire in other markets.” Reflexions, Cubadebate, January 24, 2012.
As can be seen by the timeline, events happened opposite the way Castro relate them. (Reasons to keep the embargo on Cuba’s Castro dictatorship: Part I of IV). A lair is caught faster than a lame.
Castro, on January 4, 1960, said that he hope relations with the U.S. would improve during 1960. On January 8 the Castro regime expropriated 70,000 acres of land owned by US sugar companies.
President Eisenhower publicly announced on January 26, 1960, that the United States would observe a policy of nonintervention, refrain from reprisals and respect Cuba’s right to undertake a social revolution.
On February 13, 1960, the Castro regime signed a trade pact with the Soviet Union, by which the Soviets agreed to purchase 425,000 metric tons of sugar during the year 1960, committed itself to buy a million tons a year during the next four years, and the regime to buy Soviet crude oil and industrial machinery. It also granted a $100 million loan to the regime.
On March 4, the freighter La Coubre loaded with war material from Belgium exploded in the Havana Harbor. Castro blame the U.S. for the sabotage, but admitted he has no proof. The U.S. denied responsibility for the explosion calling it “unfounded and irresponsible. The U.S. Cubans dock workers at the site of the explosion believed that it was an accident.
The first delivery of Soviet oil reached the island on April 7 and was processed in a state plant. On March 21, Che Guevara, on the TV program “University of the Air”, said that the sugar quota was “economic slavery” for the Cuban people, since the 5 cents per pound of sugar, two cents above the world market the U.S. paid to Cuba, would stimulate a single crop economy. The U.S. administration responded that if the quota was “economic slavery”, the Castro regime should renounce it.
On June 16, 1960, Fidel announced the seizure of three hotels owned by private U.S. companies arguing that the owners did not created sufficient tourist business. In a speech on June 28, Castro said that if the U.S. cut the sugar quota, he would seize the U.S. investments in Cuba. “The Yankees will not have the nails of their shoes left to them.”
In June 29 the regime expropriated the Texaco Company for refusing to purchase and refine the Soviet oil without liquidating the previous debt, and in June 30 took over Esso and Shell companies. The regime has not paid for two years a debt of $16 million to these companies for oil imports from Venezuela.
In July 16, Eisenhower, in reprisal to the Castro regime measures, eliminated the balance of the sugar quota of about 635,000 metric tons for the year of 1960. On July10, Khrushchev agree to buy the 635,000 metric tons canceled by Eisenhower and the previous 425,000 at 4 cents per pound, less than the 5 cents a pound paid by the United States. On July 23, China agreed to buy 500,000 tons per year for 5 years from Cuba, and Cuba would buy rice and consumer goods from China.
On August 6 the Castro regime expropriated most of the properties of individuals and American companies, among them the Telephone and Electric companies, and 36 sugar mills. On September 17 the banks were expropriated.
On October 13 the regime expropriated a large part of the private property in Cuba, including all banks owned by Cubans and 375 large companies, among them sugar mills, commercial industries, and transportation, construction and railways companies.
On October 16, 1960, Fidel Castro, in the communist newspaper Hoy, dismissed the notion that the United States could hurt Cuba, since the Cubans could obtain all they needed and wanted from the socialist countries.
On October 19, 1960, the Eisenhower administration responded establishing a partial trade embargo against the regime, prohibiting U.S. exports, with the exclusion of food, medicines and medical supplies, and allowing Cuban imports, including sugar. On October 25 Castro in retaliation expropriated another 166 U.S. companies, including General Electric, Remington Rand, Otis Elevator and Coca-Cola Co, and banned the emigration of engineers and executives of recently expropriated U.S. companies.
In the address on January 2, 1961, 18 days before the inauguration of President Kennedy administration, Castro said: “The Revolutionary Government has decided that in 48 hours the U.S. Embassy should not have here a single official more than we have in Washington, that is, eleven. These gentlemen have more than 300 officials here, of which 80 percent are spies.” The actual number of U.S. officials in Cuba was only 61. Castro, as if by magic, converted the number of officials’ from 61 to more than 300, his great contribution to ‘confusing mathematics.’
On January 3, in response to Castro’s ultimatum, Eisenhower said: “There is a limited to which the U.S. in self-respect can endure. That limit has now been reached.” The U.S. administration responded to the ultimatum by breaking diplomatic relations with the Castro regime.
In March 30 Kennedy signed the bill that prolong for 15 months the ban of importing Cuban sugar. By the end of March about 142,000 Cubans have left the island.
In a speech on May Day, 1961, Castro used the defeat of the invasion of Cuban exiles who landed by the Bay of Pigs on April 17 to solidify his power announcing that Cuba was a socialist estate and there would not be more elections and all private schools would be nationalized.
Castro, in his appearance on the TV program La Universidad Popular in December 1, 1961, said: “I say, here, with complete satisfaction and confidence, that I am a Marxist-Leninist and will be so until the last day of my life.” It couldn’t be more crystal clear.
Fidel Castro had previously prepared the rupture of economic ties with the U.S. Castro, during his visit to the U.S. in April 1959, prohibited the Finance Minister Lopez Fresquet and the President of the National bank of Cuba Felipe Pazos, to request loans and discuss economic aid for Cuba. Lopez Fresquet said that “Castro planned to socialize Cuba. He believed that this would automatically alienate the United States. He therefore gave up the hope of American friendship from the start.”
“All attempts to reconciliation by the U.S. administrations with the Castro regime has failed. It is evident from the embargo timeline that most of the time the U.S. government has been reacting to the Castro regime actions with regard to the embargo, and not the other way around as claimed by those that support the end of it.” (Reasons to keep the embargo on Cuba’s Castro dictatorship: Part II of IV )
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Humberto Corzo was born in Matanzas, Cuba. In 1962 he graduated from University of Havana with a degree in Civil Engineering. Since coming to the United States in 1969, he established his residence in Los Angeles, California, where in 1972 he obtained the registration as a Professional Engineer. He has over forty five years of experience in the field of Structural Engineering. He is a Member of the American Society of Civil Engineers and the Cuban-American Association of Civil Engineers.