…an island on the net without a bearded dictator
The award winning documentary, with a special introduction by Actor/Musician Steven Bauer is coming to Los Angeles. There is limited seating; hurry and purchase your tickets at Goldstar.com.
Visit the Voices From Mariel web-page for more information on the film, or to purchase the the DVD.
Testimony of Rafael Lincoln Diaz Balart, Fidel Castro’s former brother-in-law, before a U.S. Senate Subcommittee hearing on the Communist Threat to the United States Through the Caribbean.
Excerpts from the May 3, 1960 hearing, keep in mind that Mr. Diaz Balart answered the questions in English.
The Batista and Castro dictatorships:
Senator KEATING. Now, let me ask you this. Do you consider the Castro dictatorship worse than the Batista dictatorship ?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. It is very different. The Batista dictatorship was only a political dictatorship. The Castro dictatorship can only be compared in America, I think, to Peron, and even much worse than Peron, because the Castro dictatorship is a complete and a, total dictatorship. I think that is the first real example of absolute and complete totalitarian government in the American Hemisphere. And, besides that, and above all, is the first real Communist state in our hemisphere.
Senator KEATING. You consider it a Communist state?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Absolutely. I don’t think there is any doubt in this moment in the minds of any that is a student of the Communist tactics and the Communist struggle. The point is that, as I have told several times — for instance, when they asked me is Castro a Communist, I remember a professor that I had in the law school, that always taught also when you are going to talk about a very important matter you should start sharpening the terminology, and it is important when somebody asks if Castro or is anybody a Communist, it is important to know what do they mean by Communist.
Now, Castro is not a card holder of the Communist Party in Cuba, never has been. But, at the same time, the card holder of the Socialistic Party, or the Communist Party in Cuba, maybe a lot of them are less dangerous and less important members of the Communist machinery.
What happens is that Castro is a member of the Third International, which they don’t, have a card never.
I want to affirm, with all my faith and all my knowledge, that Fidel Castro is the most important and most dangerous member in the Western Hemisphere of the Communist International machinery since the Russian revolution.
On the murder of Manolo Castro:
Mr. SOURWINE. Was he tried for the murder?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. No.
Mr. SOURWINE. You said he had to go before the court. What did you mean?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. In the preliminary procedures of the court — but he did not continue with that. He went, to Bogota at that moment.
Mr. SOURWINE. Fidel Castro went to Bogota?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. Did the Court absolve him of the killing of Manolo Castro?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. No. I think it was not held — the hearing was not held.
On the murder of Fernandez Caral:
Mr. SOURWINE. Did you know Fernandez Caral?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Yes; he was a sergeant of the police body of the Havana University.
Mr. SOURWINE. Is he still alive?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. No; he was killed by Fidel Castro.
Mr. SOURWINE. How do you know this?
Mr. Diaz BALART. Because Fidel Castro had told to all my friends after he killed Castro that he was going to have to kill Fernandez Caral, because the sergeant had told that he was going to put Fidel in jail because of the previous killing.
On Raul Castro:
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you know Raul Castro?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Yes, sir.
Mr. SOURWINE. He is Fidel Castro’s brother?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Yes, Sir.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you know whether he is a Communist?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. He is a very well trained Communist agent.
Mr. SOURWINE. How do yon know this?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Because he went to Prague, after he had already become a member of the Communist movement, ideology — he was trained there. When he came back, he was got by the police in the airport with Communist propaganda, and when he was released from the prison, he talked with my brother, Waldo, and he, told to him that he was in prison, but that he was ready not only to be in prison, but to die for the Communist cause.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you how Raul Castro became a Communist?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Yes, because Fidel Castro put him in contact with the intellectual machinery of the Communist Party, being Raul a very young man, and they indoctrinated him.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you remember telling us that Fidel Castro gave his brother Raul copies of Marx’s works?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Yes. That was part of the indoctrination that I just told you.
Mr. SOURWINE. How do you know he did?
Mr. DIAZ BALART. Because I was there, and I knew both of them.
This is just the tip of the ole iceberg of the fascinating reading on Cuban History available at Latin American Studies.
If you’re in a hurry to visit Cuba while it’s still a totalitarian slave state, make sure you ask your tour guide about this.
To eliminate and punish those deemed unfit for his revolution while using them for free labor, Fidel Castro presided over a closed-door meeting within the regime’s hierarchy. The resulting plan was to create a network of concentration camps to intern the thousands of “unfit.” First it was named “Plan Fidel.” But Castro, cunningly, wanted his name out of it. It was to be called UMAP (Military Units to Help Production).
Castro ordered that his agents – at night – go house to house to apprehend at gun point all the males that fit the profile of what he called, “the scum of society,” for example: gays, Catholics, Jehovah’s Witnesses and members of other Protestant religions.
Castro’s thugs went through every city, neighborhood and city block, arresting thousands of men (17 years old and up). The arrested were taken to police stations with the excuse of checking their personal ID cards – cards that all citizens of Castro’s Cuba are required to carry.
At the police station, they were thrown into overcrowded cells and later taken to secret police facilities, movie houses, stadiums, warehouses, etc. In those detention centers they were photographed, fingerprinted and forced to sign under duress a confession declaring themselves the “scum of society,” in exchange for their release. The ones who signed were released until they were summoned to the dreaded concentration camps. Those who refused to sign remained in jail and endured physical and psychological torture until they did sign.
The concentration camps were built in isolated areas of the province of Camagüey. They were like Hitler’s camps, but without crematoriums. They have the electrified barbed wire fences, guards with machine guns and police dogs, etc. Something never seen before in Cuba’s history.
Beginning in November 1965, people already classified were summoned to the camps. They arrived by train, bus, truck and other police and military vehicles. And so began the humiliation, suffering, torture and hard labor for those thousands of unfortunate men and boys. Many committed suicide while others died as a result of hunger and disease – with no medical attention – torture and execution. Many suffered solitary confinement, beating, rape and mutilation. The traumatized survivors remember that in the UMAP, “they never received humane treatment.”
In July 1968 the name “UMAP” was erased from the camps. Castro’s regime cosmetically transformed them into “Military Units.” And all the paperwork associated with the UMAP was destroyed. New plans were created to continue confining young men discontent with Castro’s communist revolution, selecting people for the same reasons as before. But this time they would receive a pitiful salary for their long and harsh working hours while living under very difficult and inhumane conditions – Castro’s lame attempt to satisfy international pressure.
This network of concentration/hard labor camps continues today as a way to repress and intimidate people, and to obtain cheap labor. Castro’s gulag network of camps and prisons is estimated at over 200 – before 1959, Cuba had just 4 prisons.
There’s more, much more about Cuba’s concentration camps at Totalitarian Images – Concentration Camps in Cuba: The UMAP.
H/T: Agustin
Yale professor, brilliant author, and good friend Carlos Eire corrects the revisionist history presented as fact in Estela Bravo’s documentary, “Operation Pedro Pan: Flying Back to Cuba.”
Imagine how you’d feel if you were once rescued from a soul-crushing totalitarian regime –not unlike that of the Third Reich – and you then you spent the rest of your life contending with accounts that portray your rescuers as evil, and your escape as a crime against humanity.
Welcome to the world of the Pedro Pan airlift children.
Recently, a new documentary from Cuba has been making the rounds in a few American cities, as part of a cultural exchange program between Castrolandia and the United States: “Operation Peter Pan: Flying Back to Cuba.” The latest venue for this film was Los Angeles.
I haven’t seen this film because I live in the boondocks, but it has already caused me lots of grief.
This documentary deals with the airlift that brought over 14,000 unaccompanied Cuban children to the United States between December 1960 and October 1962, a chapter in Cuban and American history that has never attracted much attention, but has always been of great interest to the Orwellian Ministry of Truth in Havana, whose business it is to rewrite history. Estela Bravo, the film’s director, lives in Cuba and has dedicated her career, much like Leni Riefenstahl, to ensuring that the exploits of a mad despot look really good on screen.
Since I was one of those 14,000 children who are the subject of Bravo’s film, I’ve been following its American tour in the press, on the internet, and in email reports.
The most disturbing account I’ve seen thus far was published in the New York Daily News on Sunday, April 10th 2011, and is currently featured in the web site for High Point Media, the American distributor of Bravo’s film.1 Albor Ruiz, the author, distorts the history of the airlift along the very same lines as the Castro regime has been doing for years, so, being a professional historian, all I can assume is that this twisted history must come straight from the film, or from some of the other Castroite-directed accounts that pollute library shelves and the internet.
I can’t comment on the film, since I haven’t seen it. But I must contest the Ruiz review and its warped take on our history, which is now being used to advertise the film.
First, our exodus must be set into context. The final tally of 14,000 is just the tip of the iceberg. When the airlift ceased in October 1962, because Fidel Castro suddenly refused to let any of his subjects leave his island, the number of children lined up to take part in this airlift stood around 80,000. Add the thousands of others who left without their parents, but not as part of the airlift, and the total figure of instant orphans easily surpasses 100,000. At that time Cuba had a population of only six million. Do the math, and hold your breath. The numbers speak for themselves: a huge percentage of Cuban parents were not just willing, but eager, to get their kids off the island.
You have to ask yourself why.
Castrolandia’s Ministry of Truth – and Albor Ruiz of The New York Post – would have you believe that our airlift was concocted by the government of the United States as a nefarious Cold War scheme, the objective of which is never clear. As their version has it, the evil Yanquis tricked Cuban parents into “falsely” thinking that their parental rights were about to be revoked by the state.
Total nonsense. The reason our parents sent us here was not due to any rumor spread by Americans and their agents, but because of what we were experiencing already. The Castroite Revolution demanded total devotion from all of us children, our parents be damned. Once the state took over all of the schools, we were held hostage by it every day, indoctrinated until our brains could take no more, forced into “Revolutionary” errands, jammed into agricultural labor camps, dressed in Pioneer uniforms, forced to march in lockstep and chant slogans, warned never, ever to attend religious services, and, at the age of eighteen, drafted in the armed forces. Some of us were even being sent to the Soviet Union or its satellites behind the Iron Curtain. Our parents had no say in any of this. Worst of all, we were constantly admonished to report on anyone in our family who dared to criticize these arrangements.
The facts speak for themselves, and can be verified through empirical research. Our parents were already losing us and they a real tough choice to make: do we let Castrolandia steal our kids or do we send them somewhere else where the state won’t claim their mind and soul?
Logic comes into play too. Why would the U.S. government orphan so many children and fund their upkeep, but make no effort to publicize their plight ? It makes no sense. Our exodus was a nearly invisible event, of which most of the world remained woefully ignorant. Check it out: I dare you to find more than a handful of news reports about the airlift from the early 1960’s.
Second, the long-term separation of the children and parents was caused by the Castro regime, not the United States. The plan every Pedro Pan family had was to reunite immediately in the United States, with the hopes of one day returning to a free Cuba. As soon as we arrived in the U.S., our parents were granted entry visas by the State Department. Unfortunately, though their American visas came quickly, the Castro regime not only refused to grant our parents exit permits at a reasonable pace, it actually put obstacles in their path and harassed them. Many fathers, especially, were not allowed to leave at all. Then the final blow came in October 1962. Although thousands of us still had parents in Cuba, the Castro regime closed the door and refused them the right to leave. Those who tried to find some way out through an embassy – such as my mother – were often denied the right to leave, repeatedly. No amount of pleading from anyone changed Castrolandia’s policy, until late in 1965, when President Lyndon Johnson’s administration paid a high ransom and the Freedom Flights began to deliver our parents here very slowly, as if from a dripping faucet. By then, most of us had already spent what seemed like an eternity without our fathers and mothers. And some parents never made it out at all, like my father.
Third, one must ask: if the Cuban authorities had any real concern for us children, and saw the airlift as an evil American scheme, why did they allow us to leave and then prevent our parents from joining us? And why did the Cuban authorities harass us and our families at the Havana airport, with strip searches and an interminable wait in a soundproof glass enclosure known as “the fishbowl”?
I had a chance to put these questions to someone who was very high up in the Castro regime at that time, Carlos Franqui, a close associate of Fidel Castro and editor of his regime’s propaganda rag, Revolución. Like so many of the Maximum Leader’s cronies, Franqui was eventually purged and banished into exile. Shortly before his death, he came to lecture here at Yale, where I teach. At dinner, when I quizzed Franqui , he had a brutally simple answer to the questions above. “We loved it,” he said, smiling, “because anything that would destroy the bourgeois family was good for us.”
Franqui’s sarcastic confession can be taken at face value because of one more undeniable fact: the instant that all exits from Castrolandia were blocked in October 1962, Fidel’s goons arrested all those who were running the airlift in Havana, and imprisoned them for two decades. So, you see, the Cuban authorities knew exactly what was going on and who was responsible, but had refused to stop it on purpose. Only when the usefulness of the family-wrecking airlift was derailed by the fallout from the Missile Crisis did they decide to act; and then, hypocritically, they punished those brave souls for their great service to the so-called Revolution.
And ever since they shut down the airlift and trapped our parents, this corrupt regime has been trying to whitewash its guilt and portray our parents as morons and our rescue as sheer Yanqui devilry.
Lord have mercy.
Only utter desperation can make a parent to let go of a child, especially in circumstances where there is no guarantee that they will ever see that child again. Our parents made a heroic decision. Please do not let anyone trick you into thinking that they were easily or needlessly fooled, or that anyone else but Fidel Castro and his henchmen bear the blame for the suffering we all endured. Also, do not let anyone trick you into thinking that most of us Pedro Pan kids see ourselves as victims. Most of us are immensely grateful to those who rescued us from slavery.
1(http://highpointmediagroup.posterous.com/new-documentary-operation-peter-pan-flying-ba
From The Americano:
I write this short introduction for I know both Ernesto Fernández Travieso, the Jesuit priest who presents what his brother Tomás Fernández Travieso witnessed as a political prisoner in Cuba when he was 18 years old. I knew their mother who protected me while worrying about her two sons. This is a tale of how Cuba arrested, tried and executed those who opposed the regime. They paid the ultimate sacrifice. We honor them by remembering. – Guillermo I. Martínez
The story is posted in its entirety below the fold.
Carlos Eire discussing his latest book, “Waiting to Die in Miami” at Ohio University in Athens, Ohio, Thursday, April 21 as part of the George Washington Forum on American ideas, politics and institutions. It’s fabulous, revealing, instructive, and heartbreaking. Take tissue.
Thank you Carlos for sharing your Cuban soul, and bearing witness to Cuba’s true history.
H/T: Honey
Steven Bauer visted Babalú at Cuba Nostalgia to promote the documentary ¨Voices From Mariel, which chronicles the Mariel boatlift experience.
He mingled with the crowd, posed for photos, and talked about documentary. He was great.
This wonderful documentary is available at www.voicesfrommariel.com.
I’m often amazed at how little people here seem to know about the waves of Cuban immigrants refugees to this country.
The older folks remember that in the early 60’s there were some displaced Cuban children that needed homes. This they only know if one of the children ended up in their neighborhood. I’m referring, of course, to the Pedro Pan Flights, where 14,000 unaccompanied minors were sent to the U.S. by their terrified parents, hoping to save them from communism. They did. At great personal sacrifice. Read that story here.
But there are other stories. Some very dramatic, some that end tragically, some with happy endings. As I start thinking about it, I realize that just about every Cuban has a “Cuando Sali de Cuba” story to tell.
The beautiful dvd Voices from Mariel tells the stories of those that left Cuba on the Mariel Boat Lift in 1980. That exodus of those 125,000 Cubans made the world sit up, take notice and hold its collective breath.
By the way, just because someone came to the U.S. via Mariel doesn’t make them a felon. (If you believe that, you’ve watched Scarface a few too many times, but that’s not important right now!)
I have an amazing DVD to give away that tells that story. It’s called Voices from Mariel and it’s just beautiful and oh so honest.
To enter the drawing, please click over to My Big, Fat Cuban Family and leave a comment on the post titled Voices from Mariel – A Giveaway and tell me your coming to America story.
It’s a beautiful film. I promise you’ll enjoy it. We are all one people, we Cuban-Americans. No matter when we arrived here in the U.S.
I’ll pick a winner randomly on Saturday evening, May 21 at 6 pm Pacific.
Now, come on….Tell me your Coming to America story.
Happy 20 de Mayo!
Everyone knows what castro’s idea of May Day is – tanks, turbas, thugs and long, long, long speeches about dictatorship of the proletariat and yanqui imperialismo. It’s hard to mess up a holiday to the extent he has.
But over in Chile, a nation that in 1973 escaped castro’s grasp, fought him off and kicked out his 40,000 goons –err, ‘trainers’ — before he could create a second slave state (he tried), May Day has a different meaning: worker empowerment.
What happened there 30 years ago today is something that looks like a small thing that turns out wasn’t such a small thing.
May 1 marks the 30th anniversary of the world’s first pension privatization. It took Chile’s bankrupt Social Security system and turned it into a system of personal retirement accounts. Investor’s Business Daily in ‘Chile’s Private Social Security System Turns 30‘ describes why Chile’s pension reform succeeded and why it can work here, too.
By privatizing pensions, Chileans liberated themselves not only from castro, whose calling card was murder – even of his obedient pawn, Salvador Allende – but from Otto von Bismarck, too.
Chile had a Social Security system exactly like ours that was borrowed from the Prussians in 1925. (Ours came in 1935). These Bismarckian set-ups, where a younger group of workers pays the retirement of an older group of workers, sound good in theory but they always goes bankrupt. That’s because of demographics – more workers taking benefits than paying them in. On top of this, all kinds of special interests are grabbing at the money coming in – which is why our ‘trust fund’ is bankrupt. Well, Chile had the same thing in 1980.
But unlike us, Chile privatized and changed its fate forever. On Nov. 4, 1980, the same day the great Ronald Reagan was elected U.S. president, Chile passed a law saying pensions would go private. Had we done that too on that date, we’d all be taking home something like $55,000 Social Security pensions instead of $18,000 pensions (see IBD link above) we get now.
The system’s architect, Labor and Social Security Secretary José Piñera specifically chose May 1 for the implementation to change the meaning of the holiday. Instead of a nasty castrofest, May 1 became a day of real dignity for workers.
Chile maybe didn’t know so at the time, but it was enacting the biggest de-castro-ing agent ever invented. Nobel-prize-winning economist Gary Becker said as much. Money was yanked out of the greedy, grasping hand of big government and put into individual accounts where workers make all their own choices – what to save, how to invest, when to retire.
And by a law embedded in the 1980 constitution by Pinera himself – no government can ever lay a hand on these accounts. Result: workers started to care about the entire economic fate of the country because it affects their pensions, instead of what they could extract as special interests from the government. A culture of property and personal responsibility took root.
That’s toxic to the likes of castro and all the new waves of pawns he’s got out there claiming redistribution is the answer.
Meanwhile, Chile’s accumulated savings soon came to equal 100% of GNP and as savings built all that extra cash went on to develop the country. That’s why Chile is a nice place to live – it didn’t happen out of nothing. It now looks and feels just like California during its better days except with highway signs in Spanish … and the country has NO NET DEBT. Eat your heart out, bearded beast!
The revered hero of Cuban Independence, General Antonio Maceo Grajales, who fell in battle on Dec. 7 1896.
“I have never anticipated any benefit from Spain; she has always despised us, and it would be unworthy to believe otherwise. Liberty is conquered with the edge of the machete, it is not asked for; to beg for one’s rights is a device of cowards, incapable of exercising such rights. Nor do I expect any benefit from the Americans; everything must be accomplished through our own efforts; ’tis best to rise or fall without assistance than to contract debts of gratitude with so powerful a neighbor.”
From Latin American Studies:
General Antonio Maceo Grajales was second-in-command of the Cuban army of independence. Commonly known as “the Titan of Bronze,” Maceo was one of the outstanding guerrilla leaders in nineteenth century Latin America, easily comparable to José Antonio Páez of Venezuela.
The son of a Venezuelan mulatto and Afro-Cuban woman, Maceo began his fight for Cuban liberation by enlisting as a private in the army in 1868 when the Ten Years War began. Five years later, he was promoted to the rank of general because of his bravery and his demonstrated ability to outmaneuver the Spanish army. In 1878 when most of the Cubans generals believed that their armies could not defeat the Spaniards, Maceo refused to surrender without winning Cuban independence and the abolition of slavery. Ultimately he was forced to leave Cuba.
He returned to Cuba when war with Spain began again. His most famous campaign in the War of Cuban liberation was his invasion of western Cuba when his troops, mostly Afro-Cubans on horseback, covered more than 1,000 miles in 92 days and fought the enemy in 27 separate encounters. Spanish general Valeriano Weyler pursued him vigorously if only to curtail Maceo’s destruction of the Cuban sugar industry. On December 7, 1896 Maceo was captured and killed as he attempted to rejoin Maximo Gómez’ forces. His death prompted yet another congressional resolution for belligerent rights for Cuba.
For more read Magdalen M. Pandos detailed account here.
If you’re in the LA area, you don’t want to miss the esteemed Manuel Marquez-Sterling presenting his important and wonderful book, “Cuba 1952-1959 The True Story of Castro’s Rise to Power.”
Where: Eso Won Bookstore
4331 Degnan Blvd. LA.
90008
(323) 290-1048
When: Friday, November 19 2010, 7:00pm – 9:00pm
Introduction from the bookstore’s website:
Cuba 1952-1959: The True Story of Castro’s Rise to Power
by Manuel Marquez-Sterling
Manuel Márquez-Sterling was born in Havana, Cuba. He has lived in the US since 1960. He is Professor Emeritus of History at Plymouth State University. His publications include Historia de la Isla de Cuba (co-authored with his father, Carlos Márquez-Sterling), Carlos Márquez-Sterling: Memorias de un Estadista, and “Fernán González, First Count of Castile: the man and the legend.” He is also known for his acclaimed historical novels La Cúpula and Hondo Corre el Cauto. The latter topped the Miami Nuevo Heraldo best seller list. An accomplished playwright, his works in that genre include La Salsa del Diablo (The Devil’s Sauce), which won the Madrid-Miami Letras de Oro Award in 1993, and Corneille’s Dream, winner of the 1996 Southern New Hampshire University Spectrum Award for One Act Play. Following the example of his grandfather (Manuel Márquez-Sterling [1872-1934]), the author also writes a long running op-ed column for the (Spanish language) Diario Las Americas. Before becoming a historian he studied law at the University of Havana in the 50s, where at graduation he received the Ricardo Dolz Arango National Law Award, the top University of Havana law student prize. His law practice in Cuba included serving as Public Defender and arguing a constitutional law case before Cuba’s Supreme Court. Hopefully you will be able to take time out from your busy day and c’mon by and enjoy what should be a memorable event with the Los Angeles Cuban Community.
My family left Cuba in early 1961.
My brother was on the first Pedro Pan flight in December of 1960. Happily, my family was only separated for a few very tense months. But we were part of the lucky few who managed to leave the country rather quickly.
Once reunited, my father vowed we’d never be separated again and so when my older sisters were to be married in California, he packed up the family and we never looked back.
We lived in Miami for the first 3 years of our exile, before my parents moved us across the country and so we made our lives in Southern California.
As Cubans in California – “en el exilio del exilio” – we managed to find other Cuban families and connected with the familiar community of people who spoke our language and recognized our customs and our food.
My sisters and me. Miami, circa 1962.
There were other waves of Cuban refugees. But unarguably, those who landed in Miami during the early 1960’s and 70’s were the ones who built that city.
I’ve just received a copy of the beautiful book, Historic Photos of Cuban Miami by Jennifer Ortiz. With nearly 200 black and white photographs and detailed captions and stories. It has simultaneously captivated my attention, made me joyful and fiercely proud, but also broken my heart.
Cuban exiles are amazing people, individually and collectively.
My mom poured over the book for hours, pointing out familiar faces and reciting the names of the former presidents of Cuba who lived in Miami in exile. We sat together and turned pages and it was like I was a child once again. I sat quietly as each photo triggered a memory and she told me story after story.
She pointed to a photo, “My first visit to Miami was aboard the S.S. Florida.” She remembered her excitement and how she and my dad packed as if for a world cruise rather than a weekend trip.
She marveled over the photos of the historic Vizcaya Estate and laughed out loud as she saw the photos and remembered moments from the ground-breaking television show, “Que Pasa, USA?”
The folks at Turner Publishing have generously sent me a copy of this gorgeous coffee table book to give away. Yes, to give away. (I know. Shut up.)
To be entered in the drawing for this beautiful book, please leave a comment on this same post over at MBFCF. (<—click the link and leave a comment over there.)
I’d love to hear your answers to these 3 questions:
I’ll be choosing a winner on Monday, June 21, 2010 at 11 am Pacific Time.
By the way, this is my answer:
“Havana. 1961. Yes.”